[
    {
        "id": "authors:t28pe-5me43",
        "collection": "authors",
        "collection_id": "t28pe-5me43",
        "cite_using_url": "https://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechAUTHORS:20111031-141718876",
        "type": "publication_workingpaper",
        "title": "The correspondence of Abelard and Heloise",
        "author": [
            {
                "family_name": "Benton",
                "given_name": "John F.",
                "clpid": "Benton-J-F"
            }
        ],
        "abstract": "This paper approaches the question of the authenticity and\nthe authorship of the Historia calami tatum and the letters supposedly\nexchanged between Heloise and Abelard, through an\ninvestigation of word frequencies, phrases, and other stylistic\nissues, making use of computer-assisted counting and a concordance\nof the Historia and Letters Two to Seven.\nRecently Tore Janson studied the cursus patterns used in the\ncorrespondence, and concluded that on the basis of that evidence,\nthe correspondence had either one author or one editor who\nimprinted his or her style on all the letters. A study by the\npresent author of the means and standard deviations of 24 words\nshows that on the basis of these words the letters attributed to\nHeloise cannot be differentiated from those attributed to\nAbelard; the style of the Historia calami tatum is close to that\nof the letters, but Letters Three, Five and Seven (\"Abelard\") are\nmore similar to Letters TWo, Four and Six (\"Heloise\") than they\nare to the Historia. The use of quotations is also consistent\nwith the hypothesis that Abelard was the single author of the\nentire correspondence, and some of the concepts which appear in\nthe letters attributed to Heloise are strikingly Abelardian.\nMoreover, Letters TWO, Four and Six contain a number of phrases,\nmore or less unusual, which appear in the letters attributed to\nAbelard and in other works surely written by him.\nThe author challenges the explanation that as Abelard's\nstudent and wife, Heloise wrote in the same style, and points out\nthat according to the correspondence, contact between the two was\nminimal after their conversion to monastic life. The more\ncontact one hypothesizes in order to explain the style of the\nletters attributed to Heloise, the more difficult it is to\nexplain their content.\nThe paper was presented orally at the International Congress\nof the Monumenta Germaniae Historica on Falschungen im Mittelalter\non September 18, 1986 and is to be published substantially\nin the form which follows in the Proceedings of that Congress.",
        "doi": "10.7907/t28pe-5me43",
        "publisher": "California Institute of Technology",
        "publication_date": "1987-05"
    },
    {
        "id": "authors:kdjyr-fma93",
        "collection": "authors",
        "collection_id": "kdjyr-fma93",
        "cite_using_url": "https://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechAUTHORS:20091022-112404744",
        "type": "publication_workingpaper",
        "title": "Trotula, women's problems, and the professionalization of medicine in the Middle Ages",
        "author": [
            {
                "family_name": "Benton",
                "given_name": "John F.",
                "clpid": "Benton-J-F"
            }
        ],
        "abstract": "The professionalization of medicine in the twelfth and thirteenth\ncenturies led to an exclusion of women practitioners from the best paid\nand most respected medical positions. Male doctors controlled the\nteaching and theory of women's medicine, and their gynecological\nliterature incorporated male experience, understanding and learning.\nThe treatises attributed to Trotula, which survive in nearly 100\nmanuscripts, were the most popular texts used by academic physicians in\nthe later Middle Ages.\n\nAlthough Georg Kraut's Strassburg edition of 1544 treats the\ntreatises of \"Trotula\" as a single, unified work, three separate texts\ncirculated in the Middle Ages, and on stylistic and other grounds it is\nlikely that each was written by a different author. Reasonably solid\nevidence demonstrates the existence of a woman physician at Salerno\nnamed Trota or Trotula, but she was not a magistra (as is often\nasserted), and it seems that she did not write even one of the three\ntexts attributed to her. Instead, she produced a Practica from which\nextracts appear in a Practica secundum Trotam, which survives as a\nsingle mansucript in Madrid, and in De aegritudinum curatione in the\nWrociaw (Breslau) Codex Salernitanus.\n\nThis paper is to be published by the Bulletin of the History of\nMedicine in 1985.",
        "doi": "10.7907/kdjyr-fma93",
        "publisher": "California Institute of Technology",
        "publication_date": "1983-12"
    },
    {
        "id": "authors:5gvht-0nf12",
        "collection": "authors",
        "collection_id": "5gvht-0nf12",
        "cite_using_url": "https://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechAUTHORS:20090813-114646404",
        "type": "publication_workingpaper",
        "title": "Suger's life and personality",
        "author": [
            {
                "family_name": "Benton",
                "given_name": "John F.",
                "clpid": "Benton-J-F"
            }
        ],
        "abstract": "The text which follows was presented as the introductory paper at the International Symposium on Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis held at Columbia University, 11 April 1981. It gives a brief chronology of\nSuger's life -- born c. 1081, became abbot 1122, died 1151. Suger, who came from a family of minor knights, tells us almost nothing of his childhood and background. He got early administrative training as a provost of priories in Normandy and Beauce and also served King Louis VI as an emissary. As Abbot of Saint-Denis he served both Louis VI and his son, Louis VII as a counsellor, and during the Second Crusade he acted as regent. His policies showed a consistent preference for negotiated settlement and peace. Suger's three major monuments were his writing, his administrative and financial reforms, and his artistic achievement in the rebuilding and embellishment of the abbey church. On all these he left marks of his own strong sense of self.",
        "doi": "10.7907/5gvht-0nf12",
        "publisher": "California Institute of Technology",
        "publication_date": "1981-04"
    },
    {
        "id": "authors:gx6r9-ygt04",
        "collection": "authors",
        "collection_id": "gx6r9-ygt04",
        "cite_using_url": "https://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechAUTHORS:20171016-140147217",
        "type": "publication_workingpaper",
        "title": "'Nostre Fran\u00e7ais N'unt Talent De Fu\u00efr': The Song of Roland and the Enculturation of a Warrior Class",
        "author": [
            {
                "family_name": "Benton",
                "given_name": "John F.",
                "clpid": "Benton-J-F"
            }
        ],
        "abstract": "During the German siege of Paris in December 1870, a learned and patriotic medievalist, Gaston Paris, delivered a set of lectures at the Coll\u00e8ge de France on La Chanson de Roland et la nationalite fran\u04abaise. It would now be timely for a specialist in contemporary history and literature to prepare another study on the Song of Roland and modern nationalism, particularly in the period of World War I. Influential historians have blamed the newspapers and the popular press for inflaming public opinion on the eve of the Great War. That \"yellow journalism\" helped to indoctrinate the masses who marched enthusiastically to war cannot be doubted, but scholars and professors also played their part in the movement, and while the press harangued the future foot soldiers, the academic elite was addressing the officer class. Every poilu knew about Joan of Arc, but the officers had also learned in their lyc\u00e8es of the valor of the heroes of Roncevaux. While the greater part of this paper is devoted to the social and political values conveyed by the Chanson in the Middle Ages, the use of literature to buttress values can conveniently be illustrated by some reference to the Song in more modern times.",
        "doi": "10.7907/gx6r9-ygt04",
        "publisher": "California Institute of Technology",
        "publication_date": "1979-09"
    },
    {
        "id": "authors:jh9ss-7ew20",
        "collection": "authors",
        "collection_id": "jh9ss-7ew20",
        "cite_using_url": "https://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechAUTHORS:20090729-155947414",
        "type": "publication_workingpaper",
        "title": "New light on the patria of Arnald of Villanova : the case for Villanova de Jiloca near Daroca",
        "author": [
            {
                "family_name": "Benton",
                "given_name": "John F.",
                "clpid": "Benton-J-F"
            }
        ],
        "doi": "10.7907/jh9ss-7ew20",
        "publisher": "California Institute of Technology",
        "publication_date": "1979-09"
    },
    {
        "id": "authors:pae1s-wqf87",
        "collection": "authors",
        "collection_id": "pae1s-wqf87",
        "cite_using_url": "https://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechAUTHORS:HumsWP.001",
        "type": "publication_workingpaper",
        "title": "Consciousness of self and of \"personality\" in the Renaissance of the twelfth century.",
        "author": [
            {
                "family_name": "Benton",
                "given_name": "John F",
                "clpid": "Benton-J-F"
            }
        ],
        "doi": "10.7907/pae1s-wqf87",
        "publisher": "California Institute of Technology",
        "publication_date": "1979-03"
    }
]